Monday, August 31, 2009

The Power of Science, Part 5



Researchers Generate Functional Neurons From Engineered Stem Cells


ScienceDaily (Feb. 25, 2009) — In a new study, researchers were able to generate functionally mature motor neurons from induced pluripotent stem (iPS) cells, which are engineered from adult somatic cells and can differentiate into most other cell types.

A potential new source of motor neurons that does not require human eggs or embryos could be an enormous boon to research into conditions such as amyotrophic lateral sclerosis (ALS) and spinal cord injury and could open the door to eventual treatments.

This study is the first to use human iPS cells to generate electrically active motor neurons, a key hallmark of functional maturation that is essential for any future application of iPS cells. “To our knowledge, our results present the first demonstration of the electrical activity of iPS-derived neurons and further suggest the feasibility of using these cells to explore how changes in motor neuron activity contributes to the degeneration of these cells underlying these disorders,” the authors state.

Led by William Lowry, and in collaboration with Bennett Novitch, Harley Kornblum, and Martina Wiedau-Pazos of the University of California Los Angeles, researchers compared the ability of different human cell lines to generate motor neuron progenitors and fully differentiated motor neurons. “These findings support the possibility that reprogrammed somatic cells might prove to be a viable alternative to embryo-derived cells in regenerative medicine,” the authors note.

When measuring the electrophysical properties of the iPS-derived neurons, the researchers found that the iPS cells followed a normal developmental progression to mature, electrically active neurons.

Lowry and his team used skin fibroblasts and reprogrammed them back into an embryonic state, with the ability to differentiate into any cell type in the human body. They then took those cells and differentiated them into motor neurons.

Neurons are the responsive cells in the nervous system that process and transmit information by electrochemical signaling. Motor neurons receive signals from the brain and spinal cord and regulate muscle contraction.

The study demonstrates the feasibility of using iPS-derived motor neurons and their progenitors to replace damaged or dead motor neurons in patients with certain disorders. It also opens the possibility of studying motor neuron-related diseases in the laboratory to uncover their causes. Motor neurons are lost in many conditions, including spinal cord injury, Amyotrophic Lateral Sclerosis and Spinal Muscular Atrophy.

"A primary objective of human embryonic stem cell and human iPS cell technology is to be able to generate relevant cell types to enable the repair of tissue damage and in vitro modeling of human disease processes," the study states. "Here, we demonstrate the successful generation of electrically active motor neurons from multiple human iPS cell lines and provide evidence that these neurons are molecularly and physiologically indistinguishable from motor neurons derived from human embryonic stem cells."

Much may be learned from studying the iPS-derived motor neurons and comparing them to motor neurons derived from patients with neurological disorders to see how they differ. The next step for Lowry and his team is to combine the motor neurons with muscle cells to see if they can stimulate a response. If they do, researchers should be able to see the muscle cells contract.

Journal reference:

1. Karumbayaram et al. Directed differentiation of human induced pluripotent stem cells generates active motor neurons. Stem Cells, 2009; N/A DOI: 10.1002/stem.31

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Tuesday, August 25, 2009

An Arizona Pastor Accused of Sexual Misconduct



I found an Arizona Republic article today about a Buckeye, Arizona pastor who was charged with two counts of sexual misconduct with two women who attended his church. Below is the story reproduced for convenience along with my comments after.

Buckeye pastor's plea deal in sex case angers victims:‭ ‬Predator faces up to‭ ‬4‭ ‬years‭; ‬2‭ ‬counts of sex acts dropped

by Jackee Coe - Aug. 25, 2009 09:30 AM
The Arizona Republic


Victims of a sexual predator who was their spiritual leader are outraged at the prison time he faces under a plea agreement they say has shaken their trust in the justice system and, in some cases, their faith.

Charles Carfrey, 59, pastor of The Lord's House Church in Buckeye, will receive up to four years in prison and lifetime probation when he is sentenced Sept. 11.

On Aug. 10, he pleaded guilty to two counts of sexual conduct with a minor and one count of failure to register as a sex offender, Maricopa County Superior Court records show. Two counts of sexual conduct with a minor and one count of kidnapping were dismissed under the plea.

Police arrested Carfrey in March after several women accused him of manipulating them into engaging in sexual acts with him during counseling sessions, according to a Buckeye police report. Detectives also investigated fraud allegations after his pastoral license came under scrutiny and he allegedly used the money congregants gave the church for personal use. But under the plea, the Maricopa County Attorney's Office has agreed not to file fraud or additional sexual assault charges against him.

Carfrey's history of sexual abuse dates to 1988, when he was convicted of second-degree sexual assault in Oregon, the report said. The victim was his daughter.

He served a combined five years of jail and probation time and then later resettled in the Southwest Valley.

In interviews with The Republic, many of the women who came forward against Carfrey decried the plea deal. It lets him off too easily for all the damage he has caused them, they say, and makes it possible for him to find another group to prey on when he is released.

"It's sickening that a person can sexually molest, assault and abuse an entire church full of women and get away with such little time in prison," said Tara Silva, 22. "He's completely ruined my life. I can't sleep at night. I have panic attacks now. I have nightmares all the time."

Getting a 'free ride'

Silva was 17 when Carfrey molested her for several months in 2004 during counseling sessions, according to police records. The two charges of sexual conduct with a minor that Carfrey pleaded guilty to were in connection with Silva's case, court documents show.

Silva said Carfrey should get a life sentence, a fair exchange for the lives he ruined.

"I really don't think four years is enough. It's been four years since he did that to me and I'm still dealing with it. It's really not that long when you think about it," said Silva, now a California resident.

Carfrey also counseled and seduced Frances Wyman, 47, who joined his church, then in Oregon, 20 years ago, and moved with the church to Arizona, according to the police report.

"I would hate to see him get out and do to other people what he did to us," said Wyman, who moved to Kentucky last fall.

Danielle Vanscoy, 25, accused Carfrey of raping her in his church office last November, the report states. She said prosecutors told her they didn't pursue her rape case because there wasn't enough physical evidence. Vanscoy did not report the alleged incident to police right away and did not go to a hospital because she feared her husband would kill Carfrey.

For Vanscoy, Carfrey's maximum punishment amounts to a "free ride."

"Think about this: He did this in another state, moved to the state of Arizona, did it again to more women, and more teenage girls, and he's getting four years? No, it's just not going to fly with me," she said. "As soon as he gets out of prison, he's going to move to another state and do the same (expletive) all over again."

Proving guilt an uphill battle

Legal experts said the plea deal is typical, as only one victim was under 18.

Maricopa County Public Defender Robert McWhirter said proving sexual abuse or molestation of an adult is possible but requires rape-like circumstances, such as impairment or force. The situations in the case against Carfrey fail to meet that requirement, making it hard to prove what he did was a crime.

"It may be an ethical violation, it may be immoral, it may just be bad, that he's a bad person, but being a bad person isn't a crime," said McWhirter, who is not representing Carfrey. "Every bad thing that happens to somebody isn't a crime. That's the bottom line. There's a lot of bad things people do that aren't crimes."

Sex crimes between unimpaired adults are the "classic 'he said, she said' case, " added Joey Hamby, a private defense attorney in Phoenix.

"You're looking for evidence to back up that lack of consent," he said. "If you have someone who is fully an adult and engages in a pattern of behavior for a number of years, then it certainly becomes problematic for prosecutors to look at that and say, 'We're going to prove that this is non-consensual.' "

Barbara Marshall, a division chief with the County Attorney's Office, confirmed their assessment.

"We need to be able to prove that sexual offenses are non-consensual," she said, "and using words to convince somebody to engage in sexual conduct is still consensual sexual conduct."

McWhirter said this appears to be a "weak case. That's why it sounds like they're focusing on the case with the 17-year-old, because that's statutory rape, and the other ones aren't crimes."

Multiple calls to Carfrey's attorney were not returned.

Losing faith in justice, church

The legal arguments are not enough to convince victims like Silva that justice has prevailed.

"He ruined an entire church full of people's lives and I am the only one that's getting any sort of justice for any of it because I was 17," she said. "I'm kind of glad that I was underage when it happened because if I wasn't, then he'd still be doing the same thing to these people."

Lauri Cook's daughter, son and daughter-in-law also reported abuse and fraud while attending Carfrey's church in Buckeye, according to police records. Cook is "totally shocked and just really disappointed with the criminal justice system.

"I don't understand what's wrong with our court system," said Cook, 52, of Visalia, Calif. "I thought there was enough evidence there to really stop somebody like him this time."

Vanscoy echoed Cook's sentiment.

"I did not think that the system would fail like it did," she said. "I hope he dies in there for what he did to all of us. No man that does that to women deserves . . . four years in prison."

Vanscoy called the case "a frickin' joke." She thought there was enough evidence for the County Attorney's Office to vindicate her and other victims' allegations.

But the County Attorney's Office did what it could with the evidence it had, Marshall said.

"Obviously, the police report is what we rely on and the evidence that the police submit to us, and based on the evidence that was submitted, we filed the only charges that we felt were sustainable," she said. "By putting in a plea agreement that no other charges would be filed, what we were saying is, those cases cannot be proven."

Hamby, the private attorney, said the victims have a right to be unhappy, but their sense of betrayal is aimed at the wrong agency.

"This isn't a betrayal by the criminal justice system. This is a betrayal by their church structure, and I would be unhappy about that, too," he said. "That's not going to give them a lot of comfort, though."

Picking up the pieces

Wyman and Vanscoy don't see themselves ever going back to a church.

"I don't have any faith whatsoever anymore," Vanscoy said. "I don't have faith in the court system. I do not have faith in the justice system. I do not have faith in God. Nothing.

"I don't know what to believe. I grew up knowing that there was a God and seeing that there really was one, and then this whole thing happened and I don't see how God can let things like that happen to his kids," she said. "Why, if you're God, why didn't you put an end to it? Because if you're God, you have the power to do that."

Cook said her kids started going to church again but she is unsure if they will ever trust another pastor.

"I'm a Christian and I hate that man. And I know I'm not supposed to hate that man and I do because I see what he's done to my family," she said. "How could somebody do that in the name of God? That's exactly what turns people against God. It's not God; it's people. It's people."




I truly feel for those women, and this case highlights all that the atheists have been saying about sexual predators in religious garb. These people seem to seek out these positions of authority where they can get close to young boys, girls, and other women in order to assault and violate them. This pattern has been seen countless times with the Catholic priests to the many other priests and pastors who dot the landscape.

This is also a perfect case about the horribly flawed 'justice' system because it shows how this system cares nothing for the victims of crime. This is something I think must change if we are going to have a true justice system. It wouldn't even be all that difficult to accomplish as these changes have taken place in places,‭ ‬though in an extremely limited way.
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Thursday, August 20, 2009

Will the Bible Stop School Violence?



Many theists claim that part of the reason for the violence in schools is because 'godless liberals' have taken the bible out of schools. [1] Well, when there were bibles in school is there any evidence that things were any better? It seems to me that the evidence points to an affirmative NO!

An article by Rob Boston clearly illustrates this fact. [2]

When Christians Killed Each Other Over Religion in Public Schools

On a warm spring day more than 150 years ago George Schiffler died on a street in Philadelphia. Though history didn't record much about the 18-year-old, except that he was a "leather worker," it does tell a great deal about the circumstances surrounding his death. Young Schiffler was the first to die as rampaging mobs of Roman Catholics and Protestants shot, clubbed, and otherwise attacked one another in what was known as the "Philadelphia Bible Riots."

Interestingly enough, the issue that incited the violence remains controversial even today, and that is religion in public schools.

In fact, the parallels between the rhetoric of nineteenth-century America's Protestant majority and today's Religious Right are startling. As Roman Catholics and Protestants battled more than a century ago over prayer and Bible reading in public schools, Protestants relied on the same arguments uttered by modern-day TV preachers: Protestant practices in public schools were "traditional"; those who don't like the exercises could get up and leave the room; a little religion never hurt anyone; and finally, Protestants were the majority and should have the right to do whatever they wanted.

Like the modern Religious Right, ultraconservative Protestant leaders of the nineteenth century insisted the United States was a "Christian nation." Only one catch: by "Christian" they really meant "Protestant."

Statistically at least, the view was correct. Although Roman Catholics had lived in the country since the Colonial period, they were few in number and politically impotent. A great wave of immigration from Ireland in the 1830's and 1840's threatened to change that. Most of the Irish were Catholics fleeing the potato famine, and their arrival on these shores in large numbers caused near panic among the Protestant majority.

Catholics were considered a threat; they resisted assimilation and were accused of owing their loyalty to a foreign potentate - the Roman pope. Their religion was widely misunderstood, and rumors circulated. Priests were accused of sexual depravity. Priests and nuns, it was said, had engaged in illicit affairs and killed the offspring, burying them beneath the floors of convents. As bizarre as these stories sound today, they were taken seriously by many Americans in the 1840's.

Each side had extremes. In 1842 more than 50 clergy formed the American Protestant Association, a group dedicated to halting the spread of Catholicism in the United States.

The Catholic Church, meanwhile, dogmatically clung to theological precepts that only widened the chasm between the two groups. The church's official stance was that separation of church and state was an erroneous principle; governments, the church maintained, had an obligation to submit to Rome. There was no salvation outside the church, and "error" - that is, other religions - had no rights that the pope was obliged to recognize.

In 1843, just a year before the riots, a wave of Protestant fervor swept Philadelphia. Church leaders joined forces to bring the community back to God, which included restoring a sense of the sacred to Sunday. Philadelphia clergy joined a burgeoning national movement to suspend Sunday train travel and stop mail delivery. Philadelphia clergy also launched a special campaign to halt Sunday liquor sales.

Against this backdrop tensions over religious activity in the city's public schools rose. Pennsylvania's public schools reflected generic Protestantism. The school day began with the recitation of the Lord's Prayer, readings from the King James Version of the Bible, and often group singing of Protestant hymns. In addition, the Bible was frequently used as a textbook in spelling classes and to teach other secular subjects.

Bible reading occurred "without comment." The teacher simply read a set number of verses - usually 10 - without elaborating or interpreting them. Most Protestant groups found the practice acceptable, because it echoed their own theology. But Catholics - who look to church leaders to interpret the Scripture - considered the practice alien and heretical.

As the Catholic population increased, the Protestant majority decided to draw a line in the sand at the public school door. In 1838 the state legislature passed a law mandating that the Bible - and by that everyone knew they meant the King James Version - be used as a public school textbook. The new law was a deliberate slap in the face to Catholics, because it was unnecessary: public schools all over the state were already relying on the King James Bible for daily instruction.

Also, some textbooks had a clear anti-Catholic bias. One even referred to the pope as the anti-Christ. Catholic clergy finally began planning a protest.

In 1842 Philadelphia bishop Francis Patrick Kenrick launched his first salvo. He approached the Board of School Controllers to ask that the blatantly anti-Catholic books be removed. Kenrick also requested that Catholic students be permitted to use their own Bibles - the Douay version - during morning devotionals.

In response the board passed a directive instructing schools not to use books with religious content without the express permission of the board. Designed to placate Kenrick, the directive was never enforced and was widely ignored. The board apparently did not act on the bishop's request concerning Douay Bibles, either.

Frustrated, Kenrick waited before trying again. This time he issued a statement asserting, "It is not consistent with the laws and the discipline of the Catholic Church for her members to unite in religious exercises with those who are not of their communion."

Perhaps hoping to allay problems, the board passed a resolution declaring that "no child be required to attend or unite in the reading of the Bible in the public schools whose parents are conscientiously opposed thereto." Under the board's plan, Catholic students could leave the room before morning devotionals.

Kenrick would have preferred that the devotionals be done away with, but was smart enough not to say so publicly. He accepted the board's compromise. Philadelphia's Protestant clergy, however, had other ideas. Reaction to the board vote was swift, strong, and roundly unfavorable. Many Protestants interpreted the vote as the first step toward removing religious exercises from public schools. The plan to excuse Catholic students, they claimed, was part of a Vatican plot to disrupt the religious exercises so they would have no value, and the Catholic Church would take over the schools.

At that time the most virulent anti-Catholics were called nativists. A leading Philadelphia Nativist newspaper, the North American, editorialized: "For years and years the schools have been in operation, planned by Protestants, and almost wholly supported by Protestants, and now come the 'Bishop of New York' and the 'Bishop of Philadelphia' to interfere in the management of them, creating confusion within their walls and excitement without."

The American Protestant Association was soon circulating a scurrilous pamphlet attacking Kenrick and the board compromise. In such a volatile situation it was only a matter of time before something would set both sides off

In late February of 1844 a rumor started that a school director in the heavily Catholic north Philadelphia suburb of Kensington had ordered a teacher to suspend Bible readings. In reality the director, Hugh Clark, had merely suggested a temporary suspension of the devotionals to a principal who complained that allowing Catholic children to leave every morning was disruptive. In Clark's view the religious exercises could be resumed once a plan was worked out that allowed the Catholic students to leave peacefully. Furthermore, Clark had only suggested the plan; the final decision was the principal's.

But the details of the incident were lost in the rumor mill. Another school director, Henry Moore, a strident evangelical Protestant, began whipping up hysteria. A series of rallies were quickly organized to "save the Bible." One held March 13 attracted a crowd of 3,000.

As so often happens during disputes over religion in public schools, politicians were eager to cash in for whatever gain they could get. Pennsylvania's leading anti-Catholic political unit, the American Republican Party (ARP), quickly added a plank to its platform reading, "Resolved, that the Bible, without note or comment, is not sectarian - that it is the fountainhead of all morality and all good government, and should be used in our public schools as a reading book." Most "Save the Bible" rallies were organized by the ARP.

Hoping to build momentum, party leaders announced they would begin organizing across Philadelphia, even in heavily Irish areas such as Kensington's Third Ward. On April 27 a group of Irish disrupted a party meeting at a private home. Angry ARP officials announced a mass rally for Ward 3 on May 3.

During the afternoon of May 3, a Friday, Catholic Ward 3 residents watched ARP members erect a platform near a local school. By the 3:00 p.m. kickoff time, only about 100 ARP supporters had showed up, their ranks more than doubled by crowds of Irish - mostly young unemployed men - hanging around the neighborhood.

Although the situation was tense, ARP officials decided to proceed. A party leader had barely opened his mouth before gangs of Irish men stormed the stage and began pulling it down. Party officials fled to safety, regrouping in a nearby Protestant neighborhood. Over the weekend they circulated flyers calling on ARP supporters to rally to defend their rights.

The following Monday, May 6, about 3,000 people - mostly men - showed up in Ward 3.

One of the first speakers was Lewis Levin. A shadowy figure, Levin was a Jew who might possibly have converted to Protestantism; the record is unclear. During his fiery talk, a downpour erupted. The crowd scattered, taking refuge in a large Irish marketplace. Levin tried to continue speaking in the marketplace, but Irish in the crowd heckled him.

Soon a shoving match broke out between a young Irish man and an ARP supporter. Crowds gathered around both men. One Protestant man produced a pistol. A Catholic dared him to fire, and he did. Someone else fired back, and a melee ensued. Soon rocks, clubs, and more pistols appeared.

A Catholic named Patrick Fisher, who tried to stop the fight, was shot in the face. Catholics poured out of nearby homes along Cadwalader Street and joined the fray. Other Catholics began shooting at Protestants from their homes. With no cover, Protestants started dropping. The first to be hit was George Schiffler, who died soon after. Three others also went down. Joseph Cox was seriously wounded and died three weeks later. Two others - Henry Temper and Thomas Ford - received less serious wounds. The Philadelphia Bible Riots had begun.

As soon as the fighting began, some Protestants fled the area, looking for reinforcements. They rounded up 18 armed men, who marched up Cadwalader Street, stoning houses and breaking doors and windows.

By the time the authorities arrived, fighting had been under way for an hour. Sheriff Morton McMichael and his officers were able to reestablish control, but McMichael knew the situation was volatile. As darkness fell, the peace remained uneasy, and the neighborhood was bathed in an eerie glow from bonfires some children had started.

Sensing further trouble, McMichael asked for support from the state militia, but General George Cadwalader, the local militia commander, refused - a serious mistake. Around 10:00 that night a Protestant mob marched up Cadwalader Street and, according to a report in the Philadelphia Ledger, "commenced breaking into the houses on both sides of the street, destroying the furniture, demolishing the windows, and rendering the houses completely uninhabitable." Many Catholics fled as their houses were destroyed.

The mob marched on to a nearby seminary owned by a Catholic order of nuns, the Sisters of Charity. The nuns had moved their order to Iowa some time before the riots, and the building was vacant except for a housekeeper, Mrs. Baker.

As the mob surrounded the building, Baker opened the door and implored them to leave. She was hit in the face with a stone. Some Catholics who had been posted as guards outside a nearby church fired a volley of buckshot into the crowd. John Wright, identified in press reports as an "innocent bystander," fell dead. Nathan Ramsey received a serious wound and died one month later.

The Protestant crowd dispersed. Sporadic gunfire was heard throughout the night, though the rioting had ceased.

That evening ARP officials circulated a flyer offering a $1,000 reward for Schiffler's killers. The party also called a general meeting for Tuesday afternoon at Independence Hall. At the insistence of the Rev. John H. Gihon, the words "Let Every Man Come Prepared to Defend Himself" were added to posters advertising the event.

Tuesday morning the Native American, the most extreme of the anti-Catholic newspapers, proclaimed, "Another St. Bartholomew's Day has begun in the streets of Philadelphia," comparing the events of the previous day to the mass slaughter of Huguenots in 1572 by Catholics in France. "The bloody hand of the pope," it continued, "has stretched forth to our destruction. Now we call on our fellow citizens, who regard free institutions, whether they be native or adopted, to arm. Our liberties are now to be fought for - let us not be slack in our preparations."

By 3:30 a crowd of at least 3,000 had gathered for the ARP rally. The first speaker was Thomas R. Newbold, publisher of the less rabid Nativist organ the North American. Newbold called for nonviolence, but his words were soon forgotten when the next speaker, attorney Charles J. Jack, unleashed an emotionally charged tirade that whipped the crowd into a frenzy. They soon began chanting, "Let's go to Kensington!"

Jack led the march. Behind him a man carried a tattered U.S. flag that had been damaged during the previous night's disturbance. Attached to it was a banner reading, "This is the FLAG that was trampled UNDERFOOT by the IRISH PAPISTS."

Many Kensington Catholics, warned of the mob, had abandoned their homes, but some armed Irishmen were holed up inside others. As the Protestants entered the neighborhood, they swarmed the Hibernia Hose House, a volunteer fire brigade and Irish meeting place. Catholics opened fire; Protestants shot back.

Four Protestants fell dead; at least 11 were wounded. In an effort to force the Catholic gunmen out into the streets, Protestants began setting fire to houses. The wooden frame structures went up like dry brush.

One Catholic was killed. Joseph Rice, described as a bystander, was hit by a bullet fired by 17-year-old Isaac Hare. He died instantly.

The new outbreak of violence convinced Gen. Cadwalader to call out the state militia. His troops arrived and stopped the shooting as fire companies began battling the blazes. The militia managed to keep the peace for the rest of the day. But the next morning, Wednesday, May 8, trouble erupted anew. Despite the presence of militia troops, gangs of Protestants were roaming Kensington by 10:00 a.m. They set fire to several houses along Cadwalader Street and also torched a Catholic-owned carpet-weaving shop.

The mob then moved on to St. Michael's Catholic Church. The rector, Michael Donohoe, had been outspoken against Protestant religious exercises in public schools and knew that his life was in danger. He got out of town once the rioting started, leaving the church keys in the hands of a militia commander.

A small band of militia was guarding the church. The Protestants set fires nearby to draw them away and then broke into St. Michael's, destroying the rectory, tossing Donohoe's library out into the street, and immolating the building. A fire company arrived, but the mob kept it away. When the steeple collapsed, they cheered. The fire swept to five nearby houses and destroyed them as well.

The mob then moved on to the Sisters of Charity Seminary and burned it to the ground. For good measure they sacked and looted a nearby Catholic-owned grocery store.

Meanwhile a second mob had gathered at St. Augustine's Catholic Church at Fourth and Vine streets. Kensington mayor John M. Scott and some neighborhood residents were guarding the church. Scott mounted the church steps and implored the crowd to go home. He was hit in the chest with a rock. With Scott out of the way, the mob stormed the church and burned it. Again the crowd held back firefighters and cheered as the steeple collapsed.

Militia troops struggled to regain control. As the rioting spread closer to Philadelphia proper, the town's leading citizens demanded tougher action. State officials announced that the militia would begin to use deadly force to clear the streets.

The threat worked. Kensington was briefly put under martial law, and the disturbances soon ended. Thousands attended a peace rally Thursday morning. Bishop Kenrick suspended worship on Sunday, May 12, but the day passed without incident.

The Kensington riots were over. Final tally: seven dead on site with two more to die later, and at least 20 wounded. Property damage totaled $250,000, big money in the 1840's.

While Kensington remained peaceful, rioting broke out again in south Philadelphia in early July, when rumors spread that Catholics were stockpiling weapons at a church in Southwark. Once again rioters clashed with the militia. During three days of disturbances 10 were killed and at least 20 wounded.

Catholics received the blame. Not long after the riots a grand jury was convened to study the matter. The jury, stacked with nativists, declared that the riots were caused by the "efforts of a portion of the community to exclude the Bible from our public schools" and blamed hotheaded Irish for disrupting ARP meetings.

Philadelphia was not the only city plagued by Catholic-Protestant strife during this period, although no other city had such violence. Reaction to the riots reverberated elsewhere. In New York City, nativists got wind of the Philadelphia riots and began clamoring for revenge, calling a mass rally for May 9. Alarmed, Catholic bishop John Hughes posted gangs of armed guards at New York's Catholic churches. Hughes also implored city officials to persuade New York nativists to cancel the rally. They did, and no churches were damaged in New York.

But perhaps the strangest reaction occurred in St. Louis. Word of the riots reached the city accompanied by a rumor that the Inquisition had been reestablished at a local Jesuit-run medical school. Visitors to the school had apparently spotted corpses used for dissection lessons and had jumped to the grisly conclusion that they were the Inquisition's first victims. A mob surrounded the school, but an armed force of Irish drove them off.

Interestingly enough, the Irish Catholics eventually got what they wanted - though it took more than a century. In 1963 the U.S. Supreme Court struck down the practice of opening the public school day with Bible reading "without comment." The case, Abington Township School District v. Schempp, was brought not by Catholics, but by a suburban Philadelphia Unitarian family, Ed and Sydney Schempp, on behalf of their 16-year-old son, Ellory. By 1963, however, many Catholics, fed up with forced Protestantism in public schools, had long ago left the system for parochial schools.

Of course, religion in public schools remains as contentious today as in the 1840's, and though people aren't battling each other on the streets over the controversy, at least not yet, the same principles that incited the Philadelphia riots exist in the current debate.

What lesson, then, can the nation learn from the violence?

First, religion is taken so seriously that when people believe that their religious rights are being violated, they are capable of responding in ways that shock.

Second, despite the claims that state-sponsored religion in public schools would be a unifying factor, history shows that it is a divisive one that quickly causes people to take sides.

Third, state-promoted religion can become a club that the majority uses against an unpopular minority as a reminder of their "second-class" status, as the Protestants in Philadelphia clearly were trying to do to Catholics.

Finally, the Bible riots show that mandatory religious exercises have no place in public schools, which are expected to serve children from all different religious backgrounds.

No monument, of course, commemorates young George Schiffler, the hapless leather worker who was the first to die in the Bible riots. Yet the issue that left him dead on the streets is just as real now as when, more than a century ago, Christians were killing each other over religion in public schools.




Notes:

1. One example of this is an article at the website of Answers in Genesis. They say:

"As generation after generation of school students are taken through an education system that today is largely devoid of the knowledge of God, there are consequences that follow.

The more our culture has been told that 'science' has shown that the historical basis of the Gospel, the opening chapters of the Bible, are not to be trusted, consequences follow. We have seen the government largely throw out creation, prayer, and Bible readings from public schools. In recent times, students have seen many courts dictate that the Ten Commandments also be thrown out. At the same time, generations of students are being indoctrinated daily to believe that everything in the universe arose by natural processes—nothing supernatural was involved. They are led to believe they are animals in this struggle for survival involving millions of years of death, suffering, and violence.

So it makes less and less sense to believe in any absolute authority that determines right and wrong. Not surprisingly, as this education process continues, the culture has shifted from one having norms (some people call 'values') built on the Bible, to one where morality is considered relative. There really aren't any absolutes anymore—after all, there is no absolute authority, and that's what people have been led to believe. Whether it's sex, purpose/meaning in life, or how one treats one's fellow man, all is relative because of this culture shift.

As these new generations of young people are trained in a culture that has lost much of its Christian heritage, and most of the Christian worldview has been removed from the education system—Johnny has no basis but his own instincts, sinful as they are, to determine what he should do in life. With such a meaningless and purposeless outlook on life—no wonder Johnny, given certain background inclinations and pressures, sometimes sees nothing wrong in deciding to shoot his fellow students."


http://www.answersingenesis.org/docs2001/0306news.asp - Another school shooting in America: What's needed to bring healing to this land?, by AiG-US Executive Director, Ken Ham; accessed 5-28-09

2. Originally published in Liberty: A Magazine For Religious Liberty May/June 1997 edition, this article was located in the Liberty archives at www.libertymagazine.org/html/riots.html. The original article can be found at http://candst.tripod.com/boston3.htm; accessed 5-28-09

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Monday, August 17, 2009

Arizona Atheist Turns 2!!!



Time sure flies. It doesn't seem all that long ago that I was writing a post for Arizona Atheist's one year anniversary and here I am another year into blogging about issues that I think are very important.

To my readers, I thank you for your patronage and I hope to continue to write pieces that keep you coming back for more.

Ken

"Arizona Atheist"

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Thursday, August 6, 2009

Altruism in Primates and Humans, Part 2



A few months ago I wrote about evidence for an innate morality that both humans and primates share. In this post I'd like to do a 180 and show that there seems to be a dispute among scientists about this innate morality, and especially altruism. I read an excellent article in the January 28th, 2009 issue of eSkeptic magazine about this topic and I wanted to share my thoughts about it. I've reproduced the article in full below. Following it will by my comments.


Doubting Altruism: New research casts a skeptical eye
on the evolution of genuine altruism

by Kenneth W. Krause



As we soar into an inspiring new era of genomics, genetic manipulation, and, potentially, the directed evolution of our own species, naturalists urge us to remain partially grounded — to keep digging for long-buried evidence of key pre-historical developments. In so doing, however, the world’s leading anthropologists and primatologists have immersed themselves in a now-roiling debate over the origins of human morality in general and altruism in particular.

Some say that altruism — sometimes referred to as “other-regarding preferences” or “unsolicited prosociality” — is nothing more than a veneer, a cultural innovation humans alone have achieved in order to collectively restrain each individual’s natural proclivity to serve only herself, her close genetic relatives, and those who have demonstrated an adequate inclination to reciprocate to her eventual benefit. For these folks, no act can be characterized as wholly unselfish.

Others argue that altruism is more primitive than culture and, in fact, considerably more ancient than the human species itself. Other-regarding preferences, they say, are deeply innate, predating even the phylogenetic split that occurred six million years ago among the common ancestors of chimps and bonobos on the one hand and all species of hominid on the other. According to this camp’s credo, selflessness is as natural as appetite.

One line of experiments has confronted the issue directly, inquiring whether non-human primates will seize opportunities to assist others. In 2005, for example, UCLA anthropologist Joan Silk and others chose 18 chimpanzees (Pan troglodytes) as the subjects of two such experiments, conducted in Louisiana and Texas.1 Chimps are among the primates most likely to exhibit unsolicited prosocial behavior, they reasoned, because in the wild they regularly hunt, patrol, and mate-guard cooperatively.

In each study, subject chimps were allowed to deliver food to other chimps, or “conspecifics,” at no cost to themselves. The test apparatuses provided each confined subject with two options — the 1/0 choice where it could acquire food only for itself, and the 1/1 choice where it could obtain food for both itself and its separately caged partner. As an essential control, acting chimps were given the same options with no partners present (Figure 1).


Figure 1. A test apparatus providing a subject with two options: acquire food only for itself (1/0), or obtain food for both itself and its separately caged partner (1/1).

Silk’s team predicted that if chimps are truly altruistic they should choose the 1/1 option more often than the 1/0 option when a conspecific is there to benefit. But that wasn’t the case. In Louisiana, not one of the seven subjects chose the 1/1 option significantly more often when partnered. In Texas, the remaining 11 actors went with both the 1/1 and the 1/0 option an average of only 48 percent of the time when another chimp was present.

“The absence of other-regarding preferences in chimpanzees,” the authors inferred, “may indicate that such preferences are a derived property of the human species tied to sophisticated capacities for cultural learning, theory of mind, perspective taking and moral judgment.” Nevertheless, Silk’s team remained open to the prospect that altruism might be detected among primates that, in some crucial ways, were even more cooperative than chimps. We will consider that possibility later.

Altruism’s Alter-Ego

A closely related line of experiments has tackled the same issue from a different direction, asking instead whether primates display a rudimentary sense of fairness in some form of “inequity aversion” (IA). If an animal reacts negatively to its own relative overcompensation, we say it has demonstrated some sensitivity to “advantageous inequity.” If it merely responds to a conspecific’s superior gain, on the other hand, the animal has shown aversion only to “disadvantageous inequity.”

The former inclination probably evolved after (and, morally speaking, is emphatically more advanced than) the latter because an animal sensitive to its own advantage can demonstrate not only an egocentric expectation of how it should be treated, but also a communal expectation of how all members of its species should be treated. In either case, if test subjects attempt to restore equity by sacrificing their own gains — even if only to simultaneously and unceremoniously deny superior gains to their luckier partners — according to many (but not all) researchers, they have nonetheless acted altruistically.

In 2003, Emory University primatologists Sarah Brosnan and Frans de Waal developed token exchange experiments where tufted capuchin monkeys (Cebus apella) were measured for their reactions to situations in which their partners received greater food rewards.2 In the end, shortchanged subjects proved less likely to complete exchanges for identical tokens, and withdrew even more frequently when their partners received prizes for no tokens at all. These now-classic results have been widely interpreted as formidable evidence of disadvantageous IA in primates.

Two years later, Brosnan, de Waal, and Hillary Schiff released the outcomes of a similar study of adult chimpanzees.3 In order to distinguish the effects of social alignment, the team chose four animals that had lived continuously in pairs and 16 others that had been housed together at the Yerkes National Primate Research Center in Atlanta, Georgia for either 30 years or eight years prior to testing. As in the 2003 experiment, subjects were given tokens — in this case, rather useless and nondescript chunks of white PVC pipe — which they had been trained to return for either cucumber slices (the low-value reward) or grapes (the high-value reward).

During the inequity test, examiners initially allowed the partner chimps to exchange for a juicy, delicious grape — while eager subjects observed, of course — and then offered the subjects a relatively dry and no doubt disappointing cucumber slice. The examiners diligently recorded the subjects’ reactions, noting whether they had accepted or rejected their prizes. Brosnan discovered first that, when the tables were turned, subjects did not react negatively when given a superior reward and, thus, were likely not averse to advantageous inequity. Whether such a finding actually distinguished chimpanzees from humans in any meaningful way, the authors noted, was questionable.

Second, according to Brosnan, the results confirmed that disadvantageous IA was “present and robust” among chimpanzees, although to significantly different degrees depending on each subject’s social history. Chimps that had lived in pairs or in relatively novel groups reacted most intensely, while animals from older, more tightly-integrated groups appeared more accepting of inequity — all of which could be entirely consistent with human predilections to either “make waves” or “go with the flow,” depending primarily on their social milieu. Tolerance of inequity, Brosnan suggested, may be more a function of group size and intimacy than either moral choice or any isolated cognitive factor. So by the end of 2005, very little if anything had been truly settled. The experiments would continue and become ever more creative and exacting, but the already muddied anthropological waters would grow more cluttered and murkier still.

High Expectations

In 2006, three teams from the Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology in Leipzig, Germany published studies that in one way or another challenged these landmark outcomes from Yerkes. Julian Brauer’s group tested for IA among chimps, bonobos, gorillas, and orangutans — 30 individual great apes in all — and produced a pattern of food rejection that was opposite to that reported by Brosnan.4 In other words, instead of snubbing more food after seeing their partners receive tastier treats, Brauer’s apes actually rejected less food.

All the same, the authors did not infer that apes were necessarily insensitive to unfairness. In fact, at one point they questioned whether food refusal was a fair test of IA to begin with. Inequity-wary apes, after all, might decide to accept lower-quality spoils simply in an effort to offset the higher-quality gifts bestowed upon their partners. Citing a then-recently published study questioning chimpanzee altruism, however, Brauer’s team finally betrayed a clear inclination to attribute their results to the so-called “food expectation hypothesis,” which asserts that the mere act of witnessing a conspecific’s receipt of superior food will create an anticipation of acquiring the same food for oneself. Such an expectation might explain why Brauer’s chimps begged more vigorously and why many of her apes generally remained at their testing stations much longer after having witnessed partner overcompensation.

The study Brauer cited had been conducted by a second German team led by Keith Jensen.5 The key problem with Brosnan’s examination, according to Jensen, was that subject chimps were never allowed to convey their mind-sets by actually correcting unequal outcomes. Silk’s group had devised a somewhat more effective experiment in this respect, the authors commended, but even they had failed to test for anything more than selfishness (the 1/0 option) or mutualism (the 1/1 option). In Jensen’s experiments, by comparison, 11 chimps participated in three separate studies collectively designed to reveal expressed tendencies toward altruism and spite as well.

In study one, each subject was allowed to pull one of two tables toward itself. The first table contained bananas accessible to both the subject and its partner; the second table held fruit accessible only to the subject. Either way, subjects received the same reward. But because Jensen’s chimps predominantly chose the mutually accessible table in both the test (partner present) and control (partner absent) conditions, the results were inconclusive as to selfishness and mutualism. Nevertheless, Jensen vied, this initial phase of the experiment did show that his chimps were not averse to disadvantageous inequity, at least with regard to relative effort expended.

Studies two and three tested for spite and altruism. In neither case could any subject receive a reward for pulling any table closer to itself or its partner. In experiment two, acting chimps could have conveyed an other-regarding preference by pulling tables accessible only to partners, or passive spite by doing nothing at all more frequently in the test condition than in the control condition. But they did neither.

In experiment three, the scheme was altered slightly such that, in order to deny food to their partners, subjects needed to actively draw those partners’ trays away. But, once again, the Leipzig chimps were as likely to do nothing in one condition as in the other, thus failing to demonstrate active spite as well. The authors noted, however, that two of their six chimps did express potential signs of altruism. But these animals also tended to beg or harass their partners following delivery of the fruit, thus raising the possibility that they intended to only benefit themselves.

Food for Thought

Felix Warneken and Michael Tomasello, also from the Planck Institute, decided to examine the issue through an entirely different type of experiment. If altruism exists among our primate cousins, they judged, it might more readily be elicited with something less critical to individual survival than food. So Warneken and Tomasello tested both human children (24 18-month-old infants) and three young chimpanzees (34, 54, and 54 months old) for their willingness to help human caretakers (quite familiar to the chimps) with some task absent of any possible expectation of reward.6

As predicted, the children assisted experimenters more often and in a greater variety of tasks than the chimps. Nonetheless, each of Warneken’s chimps reliably helped a reaching human obtain apparently desired objects. Although young humans clearly cooperate to degrees found in no other species, the authors concluded, “our nearest primate relatives show some skills and motivations in this direction as well.”

By the summer of 2007, Warneken had assembled another team and published the results of similar “instrumental helping” experiments calculated to address several important and yet unanswered questions — in particular, whether 36 semi-free ranging chimps would spontaneously help unfamiliar humans and genetically unrelated conspecifics in addition to their caretakers, and whether they would do so at some significant cost to themselves.7

Again, as expected, infant children helped more quickly. But the chimps performed just as reliably regardless of their partners’ familiarity or species, even when they had to expend a little extra effort to do so. “The roots of human altruism may go deeper than previously thought,” Warneken ultimately concluded, “reaching as far back as the last common ancestor of humans and chimpanzees.”

Later that year, however, Keith Jensen’s team cast a skeptical eye on Warneken’s conclusions in two well-focused examinations of potential IA among chimps. The first pair of experiments probed 11 animals’ capacities for spite — altruism’s evil twin, if you will.8 Jensen reasoned that Chimps might be characterized as altruistic, at least in a punitive sense, if they choose to act out against conspecifics due to an abstract sense of fairness. In the first study, caged subjects were allowed to pull ropes to collapse food-laden tables drawn away by humans toward different enclosures that either contained other chimps (test condition) or were empty (control condition). In the end, the chimps appeared to be indifferent. Actors were just as likely to collapse the platforms when they approached empty cages as when they neared hungry conspecifics.

In the second study, subjects were exposed to three conditions. In conditions one and two, much as before, human experimenters pulled the tables away from subject animals and toward partners or empty cages. In the last condition, however, it was the partner chimps that were allowed to drag the tables away from subjects. Between the first two conditions there was no real disparity, indicating again that subjects didn’t really care whether their partners benefited inequitably. Between the first two and the third conditions, on the other hand, subjects were significantly more likely to drop the tables when other chimps, as opposed to humans, began drawing them away. From these combined results, Jensen concluded that although chimps are certainly vengeful, “[s]pitefulness may thus be a peculiarly human phenomenon.”

Ultimatums (and more Expectations)

Hailing it as the “benchmark test for examining sensitivity to fairness and other-regarding preferences,” Jensen then unleashed his 11 subjects on a chimp-friendly version of the celebrated ultimatum game.9 Proposer animals were permitted to make one of two possible offers to their receiving partners, potentially retaining either 100, 80, 50, or 20 percent of the spoils for themselves in each trial. If the receiver accepted the offer, each party got what it wanted. But if the receiver rejected the offer — having noted what the proposer intended to keep for itself — neither animal received any reward.

Presumably out of some concern for fairness, humans proposers tend to make equitable offers of 40 to 50 percent or, as receivers, to reject offers of 20 percent or less, thus confounding the economic model of rational self-interest (so-called Homo economicus). This was not how the Leipzig chimps reacted, however. Proposers chose not to make fair offers and receivers opted to accept all nonzero offers without hesitation or perceptible sign of irritation. While the authors cautioned that these outcomes “may be in part be a reflection of the fact that active food sharing is rare among the species,” they were clearly inclined to attribute such behaviors to the chimps’ absent sense of justice.




Figure 2. A monkey returns a token to the experimenter while using her left paw to steady the human hand. Her partner looks on. In this “hidden-reward exchange” the monkey does not see the reward she is to receive before successful exchange. (Redrawn from an illustration done from a video still by Gwen Bragg and Frans de Waal.10)


In late 2007, Megan van Wolkenten, working with Brosnan and de Waal, finally published a narrowly tailored response to Brauer and others addressing the alleged preeminence of food expectation over IA.10 They used the now-familiar token exchange experiment — this time enhanced with an additional condition where food rewards were shown to subjects well prior to exchange — on 13 capuchin monkeys (Figure 2). But, contrary to the predictions of various expectation hypotheses, behavioral changes did not depend on either greed or frustration. Rates of refusal among subjects, in fact, increased not when higher-value grapes were merely visible, but only when they were actually bestowed upon partners.

Importantly, van Wolkenten’s subjects also made significantly fewer exchanges when forced to expend more effort for the same lower-value cucumbers received by partners. As the food value increased, however, effort became secondary, indicating that capuchins are willing to reprove inequity only when the cost of doing so is slight. This appreciable yet limited brand of IA, the authors proposed, “likely evolved in conjunction with cooperative enterprises,” and “may characterize a great variety of social animals.”

More Monkey Business

By the end of 2007, then, the combined body of research had established mixed results at best, especially with regard to the great apes. Recalling Joan Silk’s suggestion that true altruism might be discovered among primates even more social than chimpanzees, Swiss anthropologist Judith Burkhart’s team decided to test 26 common marmoset monkeys (Callithrix jacchus) in two studies — one for related, one for unrelated pairs — involving hungry partners and subject-operated food trays (Figure 3).11


Figure 3. The donor has the choice between two trays representing the payoff distributions (0,1) (upper tray with a cricket in the left food bowl) or (0,0) (lower tray). If the donor pulls the tray with the (0,1) payoff distribution, it results in a payoff to the recipient but none to itself. 11


The experimenters provided each actor with a 0/0 option and a 0/1 option only, thus eliminating all potential for subject rewards. Because marmosets are cooperative breeding New-World monkeys, Burkhart predicted that if any primate should display an unsolicited prosocial tendency capable of overcoming any penchant for envy, it would be this species, despite their theory of mind deficit and general cognitive shortcomings.

Burkhart was right. Kin or no kin, marmoset subjects — fully schooled with the test apparatus and, thus, aware of the experiments’ consequences — pulled the 0/1 tray more often when their partners were present in adjacent cages than in the control condition when their partners were absent. Remarkably, the disparity widened significantly when female “helpers” — which, despite this distinction, tend not to carry other monkeys’ infants in the wild — were eliminated from the analysis. Because humans and New-World monkeys are the only primates that behave as cooperative caretakers, Burkhart proposed, strong altruism may have evolved within such groups independently, and not necessarily among the ancestors common to chimps, bonobos, and humans.

More Food for Thought

The thick, swirling waters of controversy have spilled largely unabated into 2008. Working with Brosnan, Silk, and others, American evolutionary psychologist Jennifer Vonk published a detailed study of low-cost, conspecific-directed altruism among 18 chimpanzees at the University of Louisianna’s Cognitive Evolution Group laboratory.12 In two separate experiments involving two different apparatuses and two distinct groups of chimps, actors were given the options to trigger rewards for themselves alone, for their partners alone, or for both themselves and their partners.

The team chose these three options in order to address important criticisms of previous experiments involving food. Because her chimps were allowed to act prosocially only after having fed themselves, Vonk argued, this method avoided the possibility that subject animals might be distracted from an otherwise spirited altruistic tendency by the potent and ever-present need to feed.

If chimps are really other-regarding, the authors reasoned, subjects should deliver rewards to partner enclosures at some point during the experiment, but more often in the partner-present test condition than in the partner-absent control condition. By contrast, if chimps are indifferent to the welfare of others, actors should minimize their personal costs by obtaining rewards only for themselves. Ultimately, the presence of awaiting partners in other enclosures had no significant effect on subjects in either experiment. At first, actors consistently released both rewards. But delivery rates to other cages always decreased as subjects learned that such efforts would not benefit them.

Notably, one of the 11 chimps tested in the second experiment did choose to act prosocially, but these results could not be replicated. “[W]hile chimpanzees’ behavior is consistent with standard evolutionary models based on kinship and reciprocity,” Vonk insisted, “human cooperation and prosociality may require an emerging class of evolutionary models, rooted in the coevolutionary interaction of genes and culture.”

Agreeing to Disagree

Despite these equivocal results, some scientists still see altruism as a considerably more ancient impulse, born of the intense parental and, thus, empathic instinct. Frans de Waal, as one prominent example, appears to be thoroughly convinced that some skeptics of primate altruism have their arguments backwards — at least in one crucial respect. “[E]mpathy evolved in animals as the main proximate mechanism for [individually] directed altruism,” he explained in a recent review, and it is empathy — not self-interest — that “causes altruism to be dispensed in accordance with predictions from kin selection and reciprocal altruism theory.”13 Although gene propagation and benefit exchange may be the evolutionary or ultimate cause of altruism, only a spontaneous emotional response to another being’s situation can possibly trigger or proximately cause an altruistic impetus.

In his latest study of non-cooperatively breeding monkeys, de Waal discovered that brown capuchins will predominantly choose the 1/1 mutual option over the 1/0 selfish option, depending on the subjects’ familiarity with their partners.14 Although his monkeys’ other-regarding tendencies clearly turned on social closeness, de Waal nevertheless concluded that because kinship was critical and because his subjects had no means of predicting return favors, only empathy could explain this study’s results.

When I asked him about the persisting debate, de Waal proposed that the scientific community has become polarized between evolutionary biologists on the one side and, on the other, a discrete group of economists and anthropologists that “has invested heavily in the idea of strong reciprocity,” which absolutely demands discontinuity between humans and all other animals. As for the results obtained by Silk and others, de Waal offered, experiments such as these involving repeated trials and frequent rewards are vulnerable to “side-biases” that can skew outcomes.

Sarah Brosnan, a former student of de Waal’s and now Assistant Professor of Psychology at Georgia State University, remains ambivalent. Her subjective though surely copious experience with both apes and monkeys informs her that at least some of these animals do seem altruistic. Even so, she told me, “there is not too much evidence for this outside some of Frans’ and Felix Warneken’s work.” But cooperation in all species, she emphasized, “is much more likely to be based on emotion and relationships than on cognitive calculations.”

Both de Waal and colleague Keith Jensen are doubtful that even chimpanzees possess the cognitive capacities requisite for delayed reciprocation. But for Jensen, the added conclusion that chimps must be altruists simply doesn’t follow. “De Waal’s use of the term ‘empathy’ is somewhat contentious,” he told me, “and the evidence he provides for empathy is [anecdotal and] not very robust.”15 More evidence is needed, he admitted, but, like Jennifer Vonk, his “working hypothesis” is that other-regarding preferences emerged at some point during human evolution only.

Even so, both Brosnan and Jensen conceded that the distinction between food exchange and instrumental helping is a potentially crucial one. Indeed, Jensen and Felix Warneken are now collaborating on a new project to determine whether food rewards might interfere with genuine other-regarding preferences. Although “food exchange is not a bad test for altruism,” Warneken reminded me, it explores “only one type of potentially altruistic behavior.” In the more sensitive context of instrumental tasks, he added, chimpanzees have repeatedly demonstrated solid helping tendencies.

When I asked Warneken about Vonk’s latest attempt to neutralize the nutritional imperative, he warned that Vonk’s chimps might not have fully understood how the apparatuses worked during that experiment’s altruism phase. “The pattern of results,” he argued, “still suggests that the subjects had a tendency to try to obtain the reward for themselves.” Plugging Jensen’s 2006 study as the most convincing presentation to date of limited prosociality among chimps, Warneken recommended that future researchers follow that team’s lead, at least with respect to designing an apparatus that animals might comprehend more intuitively.

Where to Go from Here

Everyone agrees that more work needs to be done, and that no research could be more germane to achieving a competent grasp of who we are as a species and where we might be headed. If altruism is in fact deeply innate to humanity’s collective being, we may have to rethink a number of things, including some of our most established political and economic assumptions.16 Jensen summed it up pretty well when I invited him to characterize his work’s significance:

This research is interesting to the question of what makes humans special, if, indeed, they are. Most research in the past has focused on “cold cognition” such as abstract reasoning, language and tool use. Social motivations and emotions — “hot cognition” — are just as important, and may even be central to the emergence of human ultrasociality. Holding a lens up to ourselves after focusing it on other species will help us see ourselves more clearly.

So it looks like we’ll be hearing a great deal more from these and other esteemed authorities during the coming years. Sadly, however, the indispensable subjects of these investigations seem to be living on borrowed time, the African great apes especially. If scientists can ever clear the dim, shadowy depths of altruistic origins, they’ll have to act quickly before our own dark natures drive our ancestral cousins into extinction.

References

1. Silk, J. B., Brosnan, S. F., Vonk, J., Henrich, J., Povinelli, D. J., Richardson, A. S., Lambeth, S. P., Mascaro, J. & Shapiro, S. J. 2005. “Chimpanzees Are Indifferent to the Welfare of Unrelated Group Members.“ Nature, 437, 1357–1359.
2. Brosnan, S. F. & de Waal, F. B. M. 2003. “Monkeys Reject Unequal Pay.” Nature, 425, 297–299.
3. Brosnan, S. F., Schiff, H. C. & de Waal, F. B. M. 2005. “Tolerance for Inequity May Increase With Social Closeness In Chimpanzees.” Proc. R. Soc. B, 272, 253–258.
4. Brauer, J., Call, J. & Tomasello, M. 2006. “Are Apes Really Inequity Averse?” Proc. R. Soc. B, 273, 3123–3128.
5. Jensen, K., Hare, B., Call, J. & Tomasello, M. 2006. “What’s in it for me? Self-regard Precludes Altruism and Spite In Chimpanzees.” Proc. R. Soc. B, 273, 1013–1021.
6. Warneken, F. & Tomasello, M. 2006. “Altruistic Helping In Human Infants and Young Chimpanzees.” Science, 311, 1301–1303.
7. Warneken, F., Hare, B., Melis, A. P., Hanus, D. & Tomasello, M. 2007. “ Spontaneous Altruism By Chimpanzees and Young Children.” PloS Biology, 5(7), e184.
8. Jensen, K., Call, J. & Tomasello, M. 2007. “Chimpanzees Are Vengeful But Not Spiteful.” Proc. Natl. Acad. Sci., USA, 104, 13046–13050.
9. Jensen, K., Call, J. & Tomasello, M. 2007. “Chimpanzees are Rational Maximizers In an Ultimatum Game.” Science, 318, 107–109.
10. van Wolkenten, M., Brosnan, S. F. & de Waal, F. B. M. 2007. “Inequity Responses of Monkeys Modified by Effort.” Proc. Natl. Acad. Sci., USA, 104, 18854–18859.
11. Burkhart, J. M., Fehr, E., Efferson, C. & van Schaik, C. P. 2007. “ Other-Regarding Preferences In a Non-Human Primate: Common Marmosets Provision Food Altruistically.” Proc. Natl. Acad. Sci., 104, 19762–19766.
12. Vonk, J., Brosnan, S. F., Silk, J. B., Henrich, J., Richardson, A., Lambeth, S., Schapiro, S. & Povinelli, D. J. 2008. “Chimpanzees Do Not Take Advantage of Very Low Cost Opportunities to Deliver Food to Unrelated Group Members.” Animal Behavior, 75, 1757–1770.
13. de Waal, F. B. M. 2008. “Putting the Altruism Back Into Altruism: The Evolution of Empathy.” Annu. Rev. Psychol., 59, 279–300.
14. de Waal, F. B. M., Leimgruber, K. & Greenberg, A. R. 2008. “Giving Is Self-rewarding for Monkeys.” Proc. Natl. Acad. Sci., USA. 105, 13685–13689.
15. See also, Silk, J. B. 2007. “Empathy, Sympathy, and Prosocial Preferences In Primates.’ In: The Oxford Handbook of Evolutionary Psychology. (Ed. by R. I. M. Dunbar & L. Barrett), pp. 115–126. Oxford: Oxford University Press (“ Current claims for the existence of empathy, sympathy, moral sentiments, and other-regarding preferences in other primates rest on an insecure empirical foundation.”).
16. See, e.g., Bowles, S. 2008. “Policies Designed for Self-interested Citizens May Undermine ‘the Moral Sentiments’: Evidence from Economic Experiments.” Science, 320, 1605–1609 (“Economists, psychologists, and others … are well on their way to constructing an economic psychology of the interplay of self-regarding and other-regarding motivation that may eventually enlighten mechanism design and public policy.”).



Despite there being a mixture of results regarding these studies, I think a possible reason could be the following. I believe there does exist an innate morality but like all other biological traits, like strength, height, intelligence, etc., these can be compared on a scale, and so too can our innate morality. Since our innate morality is just another biological result of natural selection, like everything else, and they are subject to variation, perhaps some people have a much stronger innate morality than others? They naturally feel more sympathy than others might.

I came to this conclusion because not too long ago I decided to take the test that Marc Hauser developed and is sponsored by the Cognitive Evolution Laboratory at Harvard University. The results I ended up getting got me thinking. My results were higher than average, meaning, I felt most of the examples I had to judge, whether or not they were purely moral or immoral, were mostly immoral. For example, one question posed the scenario that what if someone were ice skating and their headphones (or whatever device they mentioned) flew off and another skater was headed right toward the headphones. Would it be moral to push that skater out of the way to keep them from running over the headphones? I answered no because I feel that potentially harming someone is not worth saving such a mundane object. What if the person you pushed cracked their head open on the ice? I just didn't feel it would be right. Of course when I saw my results, which they compared to the average given answers, most people said pushing the person would be a perfectly moral action.

So, maybe it's not so much that this innate morality doesn't exist, it's just that some apes and chimpanzees have a more pronounced sense of altruism than others?

I'm no scientist so I can't say for sure, but I think my argument seems reasonable. I suppose the best thing to do is to just wait for what future research will tell us.

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Monday, August 3, 2009

A Roll of the Dice: The Origin of Life



I found this excellent blog post by Dave Deamer at scientificblogging.com about the origin of life and how it could have happened by chance processes.


Calculating The Odds That Life Could Begin By Chance
By Dave Deamer | April 30th 2009 03:00 AM


Many people, perhaps most, hate the idea that life might depend on chance processes. It is a human tendency to search for meaning, and what could be more meaningful than the belief that our lives have a greater purpose, that all life in fact is guided by a supreme intelligence which manifests itself even at the level of individual molecules?

Proponents of intelligent design believe that the components of life are so complex that they could not possibly have been produced by an evolutionary process. To bolster their argument, they calculate the odds that a specific protein might assemble by chance in the prebiotic environment. The odds against such a chance assembly are so astronomically immense that a protein required for life to begin could not possibly have assembled by chance on the early Earth. Therefore, the argument goes, life must have been designed.

It is not my purpose to argue against this belief, but the intelligent design argument uses a statistical tool of science -- a probability calculation -- to make a point, so I will use another tool of science, which is to propose an alternative hypothesis and test it. In living cells, most catalysts are protein enzymes, composed of amino acids, but in the 1980s another kind of catalyst was discovered. These are RNA molecules composed of nucleotides that are now called ribozymes. Because a ribozyme can act both as a catalyst and as a carrier of genetic information in its nucleotide sequence, it has been proposed that life passed through an RNA World phase that did not require DNA and proteins.

For the purposes of today’s column I will go through the probability calculation that a specific ribozyme might assemble by chance. Assume that the ribozyme is 300 nucleotides long, and that at each position there could be any of four nucleotides present. The chances of that ribozyme assembling are then 4^300, a number so large that it could not possibly happen by chance even once in 13 billion years, the age of the universe.

But life DID begin! Could we be missing something?

The answer, of course, is yes, we are. The calculation assumes that a single specific ribozyme must be synthesized for life to begin, but that’s not how it works. Instead, let’s make the plausible assumption that an enormous number of random polymers are synthesized, which are then subject to selection and evolution. This is the alternative hypothesis, and we can test it.

Now I will recall a classic experiment by David Bartel and Jack Szostak, published in Science in 1993. Their goal was to see if a completely random system of molecules could undergo selection in such a way that defined species of molecules emerged with specific properties. They began by synthesizing many trillions of different RNA molecules about 300 nucleotides long, but the nucleotides were all random nucleotide sequences. Nucleotides, by the way, are monomers of the nucleic acids DNA and RNA, just as amino acids are the monomers, or subunits, of proteins, and making random sequences is easy to do with modern methods of molecular biology.

They reasoned that buried in those trillions were a few catalytic RNA molecules called ribozymes that happened to catalyze a ligation reaction, in which one strand of RNA is linked to a second strand. The RNA strands to be ligated were attached to small beads on a column, then were exposed to the trillions of random sequences simply by flushing them through the column. This process could fish out any RNA molecules that happened to have even a weak ability to catalyze the reaction. They then amplified those molecules and put them back in for a second round, repeating the process for 10 rounds. By the way, this is the same basic logic that breeders use when they select for a property such as coat color in dogs.

The results were amazing. After only 4 rounds of selection and amplification they began to see an increase in catalytic activity, and after 10 rounds the rate was 7 million times faster than the uncatalyzed rate. It was even possible to watch the RNA evolve. Nucleic acids can be separated and visualized by a technique called gel electrophoresis. The mixture is put in at the top of a gel held between two glass plates and a voltage is applied. Small molecules travel fastest through the gel, and larger molecules move more slowly, so they are separated. In this case, RNA molecules having a specific length produce a visible band in a gel. At the start of the reaction, nothing could be seen, because all the molecules are different. But with each cycle new bands appeared. Some came to dominate the reaction, while others went extinct.

Bartel and Szostak’s results have been repeated and extended by other researchers, and they demonstrate a fundamental principle of evolution at the molecular level. At the start of the experiment, every molecule of RNA was different from all the rest because they were assembled by a chance process. There were no species, just a mixture of trillions of different molecules. But then a selective hurdle was imposed, a ligation reaction that allowed only certain molecules to survive and reproduce enzymatically.

In a few generations groups of molecules began to emerge that displayed ever-increasing catalytic function. In other words, species of molecules appeared out of this random mixture in an evolutionary process that closely reflects the natural selection that Darwin outlined for populations of higher animals. These RNA molecules were defined by the sequence of bases in their structures, which caused them to fold into specific conformations that had catalytic properties. The sequences were in essence analogous to genes, because the information they contained was passed between generations during the amplification process.

The Bartel and Szostak experiment directly refutes the argument that the odds are stacked against an origin of life by natural processes. The inescapable conclusion is that genetic information can in fact emerge from random mixtures of polymers, as long as the populations contain large numbers of polymeric molecules with variable monomer sequences, and a way to select and amplify a specific property.

I will close with a quote from Freeman Dyson, a theoretical physicist at Princeton University who also enjoys thinking about the origin of life:

“You had what I call the garbage bag model. The early cells were just little bags of some kind of cell membrane, which might have been oily or it might have been a metal oxide. And inside you had a more or less random collection of organic molecules, with the characteristic that small molecules could diffuse in through the membrane, but big molecules could not diffuse out. By converting small molecules into big molecules, you could concentrate the organic contents on the inside, so the cells would become more concentrated and the chemistry would gradually become more efficient. So these things could evolve without any kind of replication. It's a simple statistical inheritance. When a cell became so big that it got cut in half, or shaken in half, by some rainstorm or environmental disturbance, it would then produce two cells which would be its daughters, which would inherit, more or less, but only statistically, the chemical machinery inside. Evolution could work under those conditions.”
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Saturday, August 1, 2009

The Lucifer Effect - August 2009


In this month's Lucifer Effect I'm going to highlight a story about the infamous Maricopa County sheriff Joe Arpaio.

From phoenixnewtimes.com:



Was Juan Mendoza Farias beaten to death by Sheriff Joe Arpaio’s guards?
By John Dickerson
Published on September 09, 2008 at 5:19pm


On December 2, 2007, a 40-year-old man named Juan Mendoza Farias was arrested and booked into the Maricopa County Jail. Like a lot of people who come through Sheriff Joe Arpaio's doors, Farias' offense was DUI-related, a probation violation.

Farias wound up with a death sentence.

After three days, he was clearly going through alcohol withdrawal. According to written accounts from detention officers, Farias became hostile and started resisting their orders.

When that happened, officers cuffed Farias and put his legs in shackles and moved him to an isolated "safe" or "soft" cell, designed to prevent him from hurting himself or others. The officers fired six rounds of crowd-control "pepper balls" at Farias and shocked him with at least two Tasers.

Later, jail officials moved Farias into the psychiatric ward, according to the reports they wrote after his death.

Eleven officers teamed up to move Farias. They swarmed him, wrapped a blanket over his head, and strapped a leather restraint, known as a "belly belt," around the blanket to hold it in place.

Then they put him in a wheelchair with restraints.

"Get me out of here. They just kidnapped me. They are trying to shoot me. They just [shot] me on my legs. Somebody is trying to kill me," Farias yelled as the officers surrounded him, according to one sergeant's report.

Another officer wrote that Farias was "talking nonsense."



Maybe not. Photos show that he was, indeed, shot in the legs — by Tasers and pepper balls. And he did stop breathing minutes after shouting that he was being killed.

As officers pulled Farias out of the wheelchair, they wrestled a "spit mask" over his mouth. Spit masks are used to cover an inmate's face below the nose; they're supposed to be used only if an inmate is biting or spitting.

Officers then pushed Farias face down on his stomach — a deadly position that can lead to suffocation if guards push down too hard. It's well known in law enforcement that an inmate on his stomach can easily die from "positional asphyxiation." If the inmate is cuffed behind the back and officers apply too much pressure, the lungs simply can't function. A mask over the mouth — limiting airflow — can exacerbate the situation.

Two officers held Farias' legs and other guards pinned down his arms and back while yet another "held his head down" for nearly 10 minutes, according to the reports.

Farias was fighting for his life. The county medical examiner documented "blunt force injuries" on his face, torso, and limbs. His neck muscles hemorrhaged internally from the strain, and a gash was notched out of his nose — either from being struck or from being pressed into something.

As the guards held him face down, one noticed that Farias was no longer moving or breathing. The guards rolled him over and pulled the spit mask off his mouth. It was filled with blood. So were his nostrils.

The guards attempted CPR, but it didn't work. Farias was transported to St. Joseph's Hospital, where he was pronounced dead.






Juan Mendoza Farias is not the first inmate to die after a violent exchange with guards in Arpaio's jail. In the past 12 years, at least four other men have died after exchanges with guards. And those are just the ones we know about, the ones whose families sued Arpaio and won hefty payments.

In one case, a jury found officers responsible for killing 33-year old Charles Agster, a mentally retarded man who weighed 125 pounds.

That jury awarded $9 million to Agster's family in 2006. It was one of more than 2,500 inmate lawsuits against Arpaio that have cost the county more than $43 million (see "Inhumanity Has a Price," John Dickerson, December 20, 2007).

This is the first time you're reading about Farias, even though he died in December. That's because Arpaio isn't open-mouthed when it comes to the deaths of his inmates.

If not for an anonymous tip to New Times, Farias' death would still be secret. Even after New Times requested specific records about Farias' death, the sheriff refused to hand them over, citing an "ongoing investigation."

The Maricopa County medical examiner released the records, in response to a public-records request from New Times.

Otherwise, the details of Farias' death would be unknown to all but his family, anyone with unrestricted access to the sheriff's records, and the medical examiner who inspected his corpse.

The examiner concluded that the manner of Farias' death was undetermined. But she reported "complications of chronic alcoholic withdrawal associated with cardiopulmonary arrest during subdual for combative and violent behavior," adding "hypertrophic and dilated cardiomyopathy with coronary artery disease." The "prone restraint on bed," the spit mask, and the altercation with the guards also contributed to Farias' death, she wrote.

In other words, the excitement required more oxygen in Farias' lungs, but the mask over his mouth and the weight on his back restricted his lungs from functioning. An underlying and non-lethal heart disease meant that Farias' heart couldn't handle the combined weight and lack of oxygen.

New Times asked an out-of-state medical examiner to review Farias' records. He concluded that Farias was beaten and then suffocated.

"I certainly would list restraint asphyxiation as a component here," said Dr. Dan Spitz, medical examiner for Macomb County, Michigan. "I wouldn't classify this death as anything to do with alcohol withdrawal."

Spitz said it's difficult to know if and how much the guards could be at fault — because medical examiners have to rely on written testimony from those same guards to determine what happened.

In Farias' case, those written testimonies are suspect. Two of the guards' written testimonies are word-for-word identical in places, a red flag in any death investigation. Two additional reports are exact copies of each other, down to the punctuation and capitalization.

That's one reason why jails have surveillance cameras — for accountability. Video footage could show whether Farias actually was aggressive toward officers. It could also show how much force the officers used on an inmate who was already cuffed, shackled, restrained with a leather corrections belt, and suffering from alcohol withdrawal.

On July 25, New Times requested that video and other records related to Farias' death. The MCSO has refused to produce the footage.

Captain Paul Chagolla did not respond specifically to repeated requests for the video and other investigative materials. Lieutenant Dot Culhane, "legal liaison" for MCSO, told New Times the request would not be granted because the material is part of an ongoing investigation, but she did not give a specific reason why releasing the materials would harm the investigation, as required by Arizona public-records law.

Attorneys who regularly request video and other records from the jail say the sheriff stopped producing such videos after two cases in the late '90s, both of which showed guards beating inmates. One of those inmates died, and the other's neck was broken during a separate incident.

Those videos resulted in two lawsuit settlements that totaled more than $9 million. Since then, attorneys say they see video only when a judge orders it. Even then, the videos are usually ruined or rendered useless.

"We had one case where a magnet was put to the video to ruin it," says Joel Robbins, an attorney who represents inmates and their families against Arpaio.

"The cases I have are regularly missing papers, missing documents. When they kill someone, they don't ever seem to have the report done. They'll hide it until you get a judge order to hand it over."

Robbins says any citizen should have the legal right to review jail footage because about 70 percent of inmates are still considered innocent as they await trial, and because public tax dollars fund the jail and its employees.

"We ought to know what our problems are if we pay taxes to a government agency," Robbins says. "The MCSO hides the problems and puts their little press releases out on whatever they want people to focus on. They want you to sit there and just eat up whatever Arpaio has to say about the topic of the day. They don't want you to know what actually goes into the sausage."

Juan Mendoza Farias' story is still untold, to some extent. Other jail deaths have been described in excruciating detail, though, as the result of years in court proceedings. The judgments and settlements in the following four deaths alone total $20.25 million.

SCOTT NORBERG

The best-known case of excessive force in Arpaio's jail involves the 1996 death of Scott Norberg. In that case (the first big lawsuit against Arpaio that the county settled, for $8.25 million), attorneys did get video footage of Norberg's beating, but only after a portion of the footage was leaked to the news media.

The video shows one guard dragging Norberg on the ground by his feet. It shows another Tasering him and shows a towel wrapped around Norberg's head as he is slammed into a metal restraint chair ("Murder on Madison: The Norberg Remix," David Holthouse, April 15, 1999).

In that case, jail employees actually destroyed Norberg's medical records, going so far as to throw away an incriminating X-ray that showed his trachea had been broken during the beating, attorneys argued

But more disturbing was the callous and inhuman attitude of some jail officers toward Norberg.

Officer Kimberly Walsh — who was holding the towel around Norberg's face — testified in a recorded court deposition that she'd warned the other guards they were killing Norberg.

"I told him that he was turning blue or purple and he . . . I don't think he was breathing," Walsh testified. "And [the other guard] said, 'Who gives a fuck?'"

Walsh said she then warned a second guard that Norberg was dying. To which he replied, "Who gives a shit?"

Neither of the guards was ever disciplined.

BRIAN CRENSHAW

On January 16, 2008, the county paid $2 million to settle with the family of Brian Crenshaw.

Crenshaw, 40, was legally blind and serving a short sentence for shoplifting when he got into a fight with Arpaio's detention officers. It's still not clear who started that fight, but it is clear that Crenshaw was transferred to solitary confinement as a result.

Jail records show that during six days in solitary, Crenshaw was fed only twice. Then he was discovered comatose in his cell with a broken neck, ruptured intestines, broken toes, and severe internal injuries.

Only sheriff's guards had contact with Crenshaw in his cell, but Arpaio still maintains that Crenshaw sustained his life-ending injuries by falling out of his bed.

In 2003, attorneys for Crenshaw's family requested copies of the video surveillance that would have shown the initial fight with guards. The MCSO withheld the footage for three years. After a court order, the sheriff produced a grainy and denigrated analog copy of the digital footage. It proved to be useless, the attorneys said.

"Defendants have already admitted that they destroyed Brian's classification files, as well as the digital video data referenced in your September 26, 2006 order," one court filing from the case reads.

Crenshaw's family was represented by attorney Mike Manning, who also represented the family of Scott Norberg. Manning was not a wrongful-death litigator until the death of Norberg, a family friend. Since then, he has represented the families of six deceased inmates in lawsuits against Arpaio. (Manning also represents New Times in current litigation against Arpaio and Maricopa County Attorney Andrew Thomas.)

"They wanted to ensure that the jury, judge, and public couldn't see what happened. If Crenshaw really started the fight, they wouldn't destroy the evidence," Manning says.

"In every case of incriminating video, they copy and copy the footage until it's indecipherable. We always tell them not to touch the evidence. They always do."

CHARLES AGSTER

The MCSO has not only withheld evidence of suspicious deaths, its employees have tampered with evidence, according to the testimony of one former employee.

Charles Agster was a mildly retarded 33-year-old. His parents asked police to pick him up when he wouldn't leave a convenience store.

Agster died after eight jail guards roughed him up and slammed him into a restraint chair (In 2006, a jury awarded his family $9 million after a wrongful-death verdict.).

During the Agster trial, lawyers revealed that jail employees created a fake booking ID so they could alter the answers to Agster's intake questions.

Jail staff also changed records so they could claim Agster was suicidal, banging his head against the floor, and acting intoxicated. During the 2006 trial, it was revealed that those records had been created after Agster died.

Nurse Betty Lewis testified that she was instructed by jail healthcare staff to alter Agster's records — so that his death wouldn't look as suspicious.

As with the other deaths mentioned in this story, the guards involved in Agster's death were never disciplined by the sheriff — even after they were found liable for inmates' deaths.

"Eight of the eight detention officers were found liable. Zero were disciplined. Six have been promoted," Manning says.

CLINT YARBOROUGH

Clint Yarborough died in Arpaio's jail in December 2005, after a group of officers beat him, according to another inmate.

In April 2007, the county paid $1 million to settle Yarborough's case.

During an interview with KPHO-TV Channel 5, another inmate, Nathaniel Gatlin, described the frenzy that took place when guards started beating Yarborough.

"That's when I was like, 'What are you guys doing? You're beating him to death. You're hurting him.' And he's telling me, they're telling me, 'Shut up. Mind your own business.' I'm like, 'Well, how can I mind my own business when you're sitting there in front of me, beating the hell out of somebody!?'" Gatlin said.

Until video of Farias' final moments surfaces — if it ever does — the guard's written accounts will serve as the only record of his death. One thing is clear about those accounts: All the guards agree about what happened in the jail that night.

They really agree. In fact, some of them wrote the exact same thing, word for word, comma for comma.

Officer Trueman (B0940) wrote that "Mendoza became very agitated and resistant he was not complying with any of our verbal commands."

So did Officer Kush (A8737). Trueman and Kush's accounts of Farias' death are exact duplicates. Every single word, punctuation mark, and grammatical error is identical. The only difference is their names.

Other officers were subtler in making sure that their stories about Farias' death lined up.

Sergeant Owsley (A5025) and Officer M. Horton (A9866) didn't copy their entire accounts, as Kush and Trueman did, but their reports share a handful of identical sentences.

"Inmate was combative and resistive the entire route; kicking at the Officers and resisting being in the wheelchair," wrote Owsley. So did Horton.

The two also share the exact same wording in the crucial paragraph about the moment when Farias stopped breathing.

"Right wrist was removed from hand cuff and Inmate turned on to his side, at which time we discovered inmate was bleeding, it appeared to be from his nose and mouth . . .," wrote both the guards.

The remaining seven reports tell the same tidy tale, but not word for word. None of the accounts is more than a page.

All the officers say that Farias was "combative" and/or "resisting." They all say that they moved him to a psychiatric cell, and then he just stopped breathing.

Without the video, there's no way to know whether the story is true.

When an inmate dies in Arpaio's jail, it's not the Phoenix Police or any other department that investigates the death. It's the sheriff's own Internal Affairs unit.

That unit has yet to publicly discipline any guard involved in an inmate death — even the ones caught beating restrained inmates on video.

In a serious homicide investigation, detectives usually separate suspects, to see if their stories contradict or agree. But that doesn't always happen with the officers in Arpaio's jails — as demonstrated by the guard's copied accounts of Farias' death.

And the Farias death wasn't the first time that Arpaio's guards got together to compare stories. During a February 2006 deposition about the death of Charles Agster, Internal Affairs detective Lieutenant Kristine Mary Kemper acknowledged that the guards in that case had collaborated to tell the same story.

Question: "And you said that it was your instruction that nobody — that the D.O.'s that were involved in that shouldn't talk amongst themselves about any facts or circumstances that occurred with Mr. Agster?"

Answer: "Yes."

Q: "But you know from sitting here and from exhibits that you've seen that the detention officers did talk with one another about their stories about what happened."

A: "Yes."

Q: "And they were not supposed to do that, were they?"

A: "Again, I'm not sure how clear I was on the instruction."

Dr. Dan Spitz, the medical examiner in Michigan, says that knowing the truth about an inmate's final moments is crucial in determining the true cause of death. That's why only video footage could show exactly what happened to Farias, he says.

"It's hard to know what to believe. The story [as reported by guards] on these cases is really a big part of the investigation . . . the stories that you get, especially in a jail, where everybody knows each other and everybody gets together to discuss it ahead of time are very suspect," Spitz says.

"It leaves a big hole in what a forensic pathologist needs to be certain to know what's going on."

The Maricopa County medical examiner agrees that it's hard to know just what happened. "The manner of death was found to be undetermined, because the extent that the decedent's interaction with the jail officers contributed (if at all) to his natural process of a metabolic disorder due to chronic alcohol abuse can not be clarified," she wrote.

But Spitz says that even without the video, it's clear that alcohol abuse alone did not kill Farias. "I don't agree with the cause of death as listed," Spitz says of the county examiner's "undetermined" conclusion. "I think there are components that are accurate, but I wouldn't classify this death as anything to do with alcohol withdrawal. He's a chronic alcoholic, but there's no indication that he's undergoing active withdrawal."

New Times' request for the video is still outstanding.
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